Zino: Because We Needed Another Leon

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For all those dirty old Japanese men who are sick of seeing that human chunk of Italian ham Girolamo Panzetta on the cover of their beloved Leon, the brand new magazine Zino gives you 73-year old journalist Tahara Soichiro slouching on a rooftop, drinking the bubbly, wearing a dozen different shades of off-white. The guy oozes sex the way that most men ooze ooze. This Ole Granddad is so over-sexed that he doesn’t even bother to look at the hot white woman in the bikini standing right in front of him. Either that or he was photoshopped into the setting.

Zino comes to us from Kishida Ichiro — the media maverick and lothario who helmed Leon until he was asked to leave last year. Generally speaking, the content in Zino seems to be identical to Leon — high-end gear for sketchy old guys. Lots of reptile skin and huge watches. Opposed to the self-imposed racial segregation of Leon, however, Zino actually uses a few Japanese men as models, adhering to the widely-held belief that dudes are dudes as long as they have stubble.

Readers may not be screaming out for two rival versions of the same magazine, but apparently advertisers cannot resist the idea of a magazine targeted towards single and lecherous rich men who spend their Sosekis Fukuzawas on luxury items instead of on wives and the results of their procreation.

And if you are thinking, hey, Zino is just “fronting,” check out the inside-cover ad: Hermès, baby. You can’t even afford to talk to guys who work in the Hermès stock warehouses.

Zino‘s motto is “リッチを誇るな、センスで光れ!” — “Don’t be proud of being rich, dazzle ‘em with your good sense.” Nobody embodies these words better than Mr. Tahara Soichiro — that guy is as hot as the goddamn sun.

Update, September 2008: Zino sadly ceased publication a few months ago.

Marxy wrote a lot of essays back on his old site Néomarxisme. This is one of them.

Rich Kids

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Although you never hear much about it, Murakami Haruki clearly comes from money. Grandson of a Buddhist priest on one side and an Osaka merchant on the other, he was raised in the upscale Ashiya-shi region of Kobe, took seven years to finish private university Waseda, and while still a student, married and started his own jazz bar in West Tokyo’s Kokubunji. Sometime in the ’70s, Murakami decided he wanted to be a writer, and eventually debuted with the short novel Hear the Wind Sing from Kodansha — Japan’s most prestigious publishing house. His 1987 Norwegian Wood made him into a superstar — accompanied by (possibly) apocryphal stories of college girls coordinating their daily outfits to match the red and green covers of the novel’s first and second volumes.

Although now accepted as “literature,” it’s important realize that Murakami was first and foremost a pop writer. Old-style intellectuals like Oe Kenzaburo never cared for him. Even Jay Rubin — English translator of Murakami’s most important works — took a long time to consider him a serious writer: “In 1989, I read Haruki Murakami. I had only been vaguely aware of his existence — as some kind of pop writer, mounds of whose stuff were to be seen filling up the front counters in the bookstores, but I hadn’t deigned to read what was sure to be silly fluff about teenagers getting drunk and hopping into bed.” After a while, scholars on both sides of the Pacific finally broke through the Beatles references and unaffected language to find a deep philosophical core to Murakami’s work, but for all intents and purposes, the writer started off as a greater influence to Japanese pop culture than to the “high-art” world of Japanese literature.

We should find no coincidence, however, in Murakami’s high-standing social background and his success in “low” pop culture. He fits a very specific archetype in the history of Japanese popular culture: the young wealthy son freely and effortlessly producing debut works that become a leading trend within the youth culture.

Another example of this archetype would be Tanaka Yasuo — writer and reformist ex-governor of Nagano Prefecture. While a student at prestigious Hitotsubashi University, he casually wrote out his first novel Nantonaku, Kurisutaru, which not only enjoyed explosive sales in its 1980 first pressing, but was rewarded with the prestigious Bungei Award. Tanaka’s first novel, however, does not approach anywhere near literature. The book — about a wealthy female Aoyama Gakuin university student and part-time model — sold as a trendy pop piece, but moreover, as a consumer guide. Each time a store, brand, product, food, club, piece of clothing, university, or other proper noun is used in the narrative, Tanaka (as the narrator, not as the protagonist) supplies a footnote on the left-hand page to introduce/explain the item to the uninitiated. Here was a well-to-do, stylish young man giving away all the secrets to the Tokyo culture game in footnote form, and readers snapped it up as a practical trend guide.

Then in the early ’90s, Oyamada Keigo and Ozawa Kenji from Flipper’s Guitar pulled the same game: Wealthy young men from private high schools instantly winning record contracts and fame right out of high school. Just as Nantonaku, Kurisutaru had a decade before, the two KOs from FG supplied young fans with references to the latest trend — this time in musical form, rather than in fiction.

In all three of these cases, privilege does more than provide idle time and an escape from the compromising chains of fiduciary worries. Wealth and education in post-war Japan meant access to information — especially news beaming out from the West. Both Murakami and Ozawa Kenji mastered English at a young age, which no doubt allowed them to master their command of Western music. Moreover, these four all came from “old money” and not flashy wealth, and in a Bourdieuian sense of cultural capital, they used cultural reference as a way to distinguish themselves from the madding crowds. Whether wealth allowed greater access to information or not, wealth situated these young men in a certain social ranking that motivated them to protect their position through artistic achievement in fashionably new modes of craft. In the cases of Murakami and Flipper’s Guitar, they wrote in intentionally Western styles to differentiate themselves from the baser “Japanese” standards, and the world interpreted this as being more trendy than their common competitors.

In turn, the work of these men was consumed first as fashion and second as art. Their existence lead to “booms” (a consumer phenomenon) rather than “movements” (an artistic one). This basically freaked them out — at least in the long-term. Murakami did not like being a “trendy writer” so much and fled to Europe, then to American universities. Ozawa disappeared to NY after cashing-out as a Jpop idol. Cornelius went meta, then “guitar artiste.” Tanaka went into anti-establishment politics.

What is frustrating to many Japanese about their stories is the total ease and grace in which they made a huge splash upon the common culture. No struggling, half-compromises of hack jobs, years of toil at candle-lit typewriters.

Sure, there are artists who fit this archetype in other countries and cultures, but US/UK pop culture has a strong obsession with the underdog/underclass achiever — the Working Class Hero. Elvis, the Beatles, Bruce Springsteen, Michael Jackson. What may be the difference between Japan and the U.S. is the sources of cultural creation: In the U.S., low status African—Americans were responsible for the jazz, rock, and hip-hop that formed the foundations of the pop culture cycle in the 20th century. This was clearly a bottom-up process — even if the media at the top eventually disseminated/cleaned-up the message. Authenticity originated in the street or in the swamp or in the Delta.

In post-war Japan, meanwhile, style and fashion originated so strongly from overseas (mainly American) sources that authenticity — in the case of orthopraxic Japan, something more like high-speed adoption or knowledge of new information rather than an abstract faith-based “being real” — lay squarely with those at the top, since they had either the best education with which to find/translate the American pop culture message or access to the message/materials from trips abroad/connections.

As a defeated culture with a sense of inferiority to the American cultural overlords, pop culture in Japan could not be “bottom-up,” and therefore, the wealthy in Japan became the most obvious messengers/idols in a shadowy way. Once Japan regained its cultural confidence, “bottom-up” became more widespread. The Murakami-Tanaka-Oyamada-Ozawa Rich Kid model may no longer be as important today, when someone like DJ Ozma or Koda Kumi appears more authentically bound to their respective subcultures.

To tie this into bigger streams we often deal with here, the capitalization of the whole gyaru/yankii working-class stream — which in the past was seen as deviation from the mediated “cool” consumer stream — has totally outmoded our former archetypes. Cool is no longer monolithic nor solely imported — which no longer gives the wealthy an automatic advantage. Sticking to a deep sense of orthopraxy, culture in Japan generally remains an empty vessel to plaster “fashion” upon — rather than individual works of artistic meaning — but it is used now for a class-based subcultural affiliation rather than for placement in a top-down trend hierarchy. The bottom is proud to be at the bottom — or at least, having fun with the para para.

From an American perspective, the end of elitism should sound like a great development, but practically speaking, most of the bottom-up culture is less than interesting. We may dislike elitism in principle, but the elitist stream in Japan is responsible for most of the country’s greatest cultural hits (I want to say this is a Western-bias, but Murakami is huge in Japan). Old money was silent in the past, but now it’s dead. The growing nouveau riche is more interested in amassing stuff than showing off the giant logos than flashing the subtle use of expensive silk in their sleeves. (As I write this, the exclusive import sports car shop across the street is loading in a red Ferrari that plays the theme to the Godfather as its horn. No joke.)

My lament about the breakdown of Japanese culture may be a specific eulogy to the elitist causes for cultural creation, but face the facts: The names that light up the concise histories of Japanese pop culture not only enjoyed the beautiful bliss of old money, but prospered specifically because of it. Sure, Nosaka Akiyuki may have had a crazy life of pain and suffering (see Grave of the Fireflies), but he was still the son of the sub-governor of Niigata.

1 Quote from this really interesting correspondence series.

W. David MARX (Marxy)
December 12, 2006

Marxy wrote a lot of essays back on his old site Néomarxisme. This is one of them.

No Chances in the Early Days of the \

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As reported on 2ch’s Itai News Blog, Kinki University in Osaka is telling juniors they must take a job right outside of graduation in the traditional “shinsotsu saiyou” (新卒採用) system. Why? “Because there are no second chances.” (「2度とチャンスはありません。」) What about becoming a freeter? “Your life will come to nothing.” (「フリータやニートになっては,人生台無しです。」) Surely, waiting to apply a year or two after college, you could still get a job based on your qualifications, right? “Dead wrong. Society will not accept you. Why? Because those who did not start working right outside of graduation are leftovers and defective merchandise.” (「卒業してからでも大卒の資格で何とかなるわ…と思ったら大間違いです。 社会は受け入れてくれません。 何故なら,新卒で就職出来ていない人は落ちこぼれであり,欠陥品だからです。」)

All of the 2ch commenters of course agree with this harsh analysis, and the message does not conflict with the standard understanding of Japanese education/employment systems. Let’s face it: Perfectly ordered society and second-chances are opposites. The only way to enforce order is to guarantee that those going around the determined path will be permanently punished. The kid doesn’t even get the chance to cry “wolf” the first time? Problem solved. Taking a year off to study for Tokyo University exams is one thing, but taking a year off to think about what you would like to do for the rest of your life… might as well be treason.

As much as the post-Bubble period was host to greater “Americanization” of the economy, the rigid employment system is facing no serious challenge. In fact, with more and more companies creating two distinct classes of “regular” and “non-regular” workers, the shinsotsu system becomes crucial for determining who gets to join the upper middle classes and who gets to receive the same limp salary for 30 years — within the same companies, even. Successfully making it to a four-year university in the first place means you have access to a possible corporate track job, and clearly, Kinki U. does not want to see their young get swept out into the harsh winter colds from which there is no return.

One of Prime Minister Honest Abe’s big ideas for Japan is the “second chance initiative” for failed businesses. Students, however, may not be afforded that luxury. At least they will know at 22 whether their lives are total failures or not. Most people have to wait 40 years to find that out on their own.

W. David MARX (Marxy)
November 22, 2006

Marxy wrote a lot of essays back on his old site Néomarxisme. This is one of them.

A Refreshed Hierarchy for the Japanese Hypermeritocracy

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Last month, I attended a talk with an ex-bigwig from Seibu Mizuno Seiichi and downwardly-mobile market expert Miura Atsushi. They discussed how Tokyo University students of yore were terrible dressers. Back when Japan was a well-oiled machine built from top-to-bottom for the sole purpose of manufacturing-led export-based growth, Tokyo University (Todai) was the elite of elite institutions. Todai trains the government bureaucrats who essentially hold all of the political power and then retire into cushy board positions at the country’s top firms. Tokyo students thus had the career prospects, but in karmic exchange, lacked an eye for fashion and self-presentation. Spending the first sixteen years of your life in complete pursuit of memorizing population statistics, dates, and other meaningless numbers required for Confucian-style aptitude testing does not exactly make you a ladies man, let alone have the time to track down the latest duds from Van.

But times have changed. The two men noted that kids at elite institutions these days are not only good at book-learning but up with fashion, good with people, and killers with the ladies. (Or, gasp, are ladies.) Welcome to the rise of the hypermeritocracy — where the elite excel at everything.

This change in meaning of “elite” fits perfectly with the new employment system based to a higher degree on merit-based career promotion. (Depending on your philosophy, this is either ruining or saving Japanese capitalism.) Graduating from a top-tier school may get your foot in the door, but your pedigree alone will not guarantee you access to the top level positions within your own firm.

The data bears this out. In magazine President‘s October 16, 2006 cover story on “Universities and Career Success” (「大学と出世」), there was a rank of universities on how many of the graduates become executives at leading companies. Over the last twenty years, things have drifted from a country ruled politically and economically by Todai graduates to one where private university graduates (especially Keio, Waseda, and Chuo) lead the pack. The following table from President illustrates this well.

Universities Graduates who Become Executives at Listed Companies
1985 1995 2006
1. Tokyo U. 4,591 1. Tokyo U. 2,523 1. Keio U. 1,481
2. Kyoto U. 2,182 2. Keio U. 2,243 2. Waseda U. 1,190
3. Waseda U. 1,865 3. Waseda U. 2,220 3. Tokyo U. 1,042
4. Keio U. 1,720 4. Kyoto U. 1,339 4. Kyoto U. 536
5. Hitotsubashi U. 1,027 5. Chuo U. 1,017 5. Chuo U. 500

Not only have the private universities completely overtaken the national universities of Tokyo and Kyoto, less of the premier companies’ executives are from the best universities in total. Either the elite university students are going into non-listed companies or the listed companies are promoting by merit — which may not match up perfectly to the university affiliation won through first-rate test-taking ability at the age 18. The new corporate system looks to be generally less elitist than the old Japanese system. Of course, rich parents would find it easier to get their dumb children into Keio through the escalator system (putting them into the elementary or high school), but these kids will not succeed in their companies without actual effort. And it’s not like Tokyo University admissions were that “fair” to start with. The juku system requires expensive private tutoring to pass entrance exams, making the whole idea that “anyone can get into Tokyo University” a crock.

As the economic system of promotion-by-talent gets nearer the American system, elitism based on academic pedigree also declines. This echoes the American business world, where most CEOs did not attend Ivy League schools (only 10% of the Fortune 500). So now that promotion will be based on a large set of skills — smarts, charisma, social awareness — it only makes sense that the most elite schools are starting to see “hypermeritocratic” kids fill their classrooms. The economic system no longer rewards the eggheads and bookworms, so why should the elite colleges be creating them?

W. David MARX (Marxy)
October 17, 2006

Marxy wrote a lot of essays back on his old site Néomarxisme. This is one of them.

From First Class to Coach: Beginnings of Taste Deflation in Japanese Fashion

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In the middle of the 1990s, beer alone made up something like 75% of the liquor market in Japan. No surprise, really: Most everyone around the world loves a cold tall one no matter whether the occasion is celebrating a rise in mutual fund portfolio value or suppressing the despair of losing a white-collar job to restructuring. Despite the fact that Japanese beer is excellent almost across-the-board, Japanese consumers have recently abandoned it in droves for fake “beer-flavored” malt-beverage substitutes: happoshu and fake-happoshu “third-category beer.” These fake beers now command about 25% of the alcoholic beverage market.

This is taste deflation in action: Consumer budgets go down and sales of inferior goods go up. Pure-and-simple. (This has now led to a market gap at the top exploited by premium Suntory Premium Malts, but we will leave that topic for a different day.)

Fashion, however, has been different. These are not items that you put in your body but externally represent your social status and hierarchical ranking to society at large. Thanks to rising consciousness about socio-economic strata, the major European superbrands — Louis Vuitton, Gucci, Burberry, Christian Dior, and Hermès — have dominated the Japanese fashion scene for the last decade. But instead of being able to go head-to-toe in one brand like the ’80s — or even mid-’90s — young women can only afford to go generic for the shirts and skirts and then “class it all up” with a $2,000 bag. But whether the appeal of these brands is “rational” (dependable and classic!) or “aspirational” (Roppongi Hills/Paris Hilton plastic-fantastic), paying $2,000 or more for a bag has been the de facto standard for a very long time. Maybe this year it’s Chloé and not LV, but still: Get ready for years of credit card installment payment.

But watch out super luxury: Last week’s issue of Weekly Toyo Keizai featured a long feature on “The Coach Miracle.” Many members of what used to be called the “middle-class” are now happy to buy a $400-$500 bag instead of shelling out for a $2,000 one. Although the accompanying pictures to the article illustrate a much less fashion-forward, less glamorous crowd, Coach’s growth in the Japanese bag market is unquestionably strong: currently a 9% share, above Gucci, Hermes, and Chanel (LV is still 25%, natch).

Important to note that Coach is not seen as a classic luxury brand, but as “accessible luxury” (アクセシブル・ラグジュリー). Much more Polo than Prada in terms of cachet, with prices to match. More America than Europe — which is almost never a good sign of things to come.

Surely there are strategic business decisions and changes in fashion/taste that explain Coach’s rise, but one cannot help but think back to simple economic realities: buying a $2,000-$3,000 bag is a bit of an extreme investment at this point in time for a large class of people who have moderate incomes and little chance at wage raises. “Accessible” means having a “nice” bag and money left over to live life with the bag you just bought. And since boys do not care about brand labels anyway, why bother?

If Japanese men can accept that their 21st century life will involve the daily imbibing of vile forms of fake beer, why can’t women come down from fantasy land and stay within the price ranges of their budget limitations? With the economy sluggishly moving as it is, taste deflation for middle-mass fashion is bound to happen at some point. And since LV is now so overexposed, the time has never been better for going “one-rank down.” I doubt, however, that things will stop at the Coach level. Bape destroyed the fashion market for men by making “fashion” into t-shirts and jeans, which ultimately opened the market for Uniqlo. If Coach says that “dressing up” can be mid-level luxury, then there goes the neighborhood.

W. David MARX
September 26, 2006

W. David Marx (Marxy) — Tokyo-based writer and musician — is the founder and chief editor of Néojaponisme.